| Index | Close | Change |
|---|---|---|
| FTSE 100 | 4,394.21 | 137.31 |
| Dow | 9,387.61 | 0.00 |
| NASDAQ | 1,779.01 | -65.24 |
| Nilkkei | 9,447.57 | 1,171.14 |
| Hang Seng | 16,832.88 | 520.72 |
| CSI 300 | 1,934.62 | -50.87 |
| Sensex 30 | 11,483.40 | 174.31 |
| DAX | 5,199.19 | 136.74 |
| Index | Close | Change |
|---|---|---|
| FTSE 100 | 4,394.21 | 137.31 |
| Dow | 9,387.61 | 0.00 |
| NASDAQ | 1,779.01 | -65.24 |
| Nilkkei | 9,447.57 | 1,171.14 |
| Hang Seng | 16,832.88 | 520.72 |
| CSI 300 | 1,934.62 | -50.87 |
| Sensex 30 | 11,483.40 | 174.31 |
| DAX | 5,199.19 | 136.74 |
| Rates | Close | Change |
|---|---|---|
| Oil | 78.63 | -2.56 |
| Gold | 839.5 | -3.00 |
| $ to £ | 1.743 | 0.00 |
| € to £ | 1.2782 | 0.00 |
| $ to € | 1.3637 | 0.00 |
And then all eyes turned to the real economy. Governments across the developed world have put £2 trillion on the line, and yes, the action should be enough to stop global catastrophe. And they have done well, honestly. But don’t kid yourself into believing that from now on it will be pretty painless, that following a mild slowdown, everything will be back to normal. The next few years are not going to be easy.
Yet, lurking in the background, two profound developments are at work. One of these developments could actually mean that the recovery itself may be truly impressive. The other development, well, it seems that when the tale of this saga is told with the benefit of hindsight, it will look very different. The Credit Crunch of 2008 will be seen to represent a very significant moment in the turning of the wheel of economic history.
So, what next? How long will it take for the recovery to occur? When it does occur, why will it be so dramatic? And why will history interpret the events of the last few months quite differently from the analysis we are seeing at present? Read on.
The first thing you need to bear in mind is that banking crises are always expensive. If we were to take a leaf out of Channel 4’s book, and produce our own top 50 list, but this time of banking crises, it seems everyone’s favourite would be the Swedish crisis of 1991. Over the last few weeks, Swedish politicians from that time have found themselves in demand, as the world tries to understand what they did. The plan finally hatched by Gordon Brown, and then adopted by many other governments, did in fact take a big leaf out of Sweden’s book. And yet, consider this; it has been estimated that the Swedish banking crisis took 6 per cent off the nation’s GDP. The country was immersed in recession for two years.
In 1987 it was Norway that was struck, and the cost – 8 per cent of GDP. More recently, in 1997, it was Spain which felt the horror of a full-scale banking crisis – and the cost, 16 per cent of GDP.
But there is a difference. These episodes, nasty as they were, were largely isolated affairs. Each country had the option to export its way out of crisis.
The events of the last week seem to be without precedent. Okay, you can rewind the clock back to the 1930s, or even earlier in the first decade of the last century, but, quite frankly, things were different then. The world today is not like it was, and in modern times there hasn’t been anything like it.
More to the point, if the crisis is global, it isn’t going to be so easy to export your way out of difficulty.
Then again, you probably don’t know this, but the 1930s weren’t so bad for the UK. You may recall from your history, 1926 was the year of the General Strike. The 1920s may have been a period of dizzy exuberance in the US, but in the UK depression hit early. But, following the UK’s decision to pull out of the gold standard, the pound fell rapidly, and Britain was able to export her way forward, even at a time of worldwide economic hardship.
In many ways it’s like that now. The pound has fallen massively against the euro and dollar. Since many countries, including China, more or less shadow the dollar, this means the pound has fallen sharply against currencies such as the yuan. One assumes that the yuan will appreciate soon too. That is inevitable as China emerges as a major economic super-power. So the outlook for a British export recovery looks quite good, at least in the medium term.
But the US has got to reduce imports and increase exports; the effect this will have on the global economy is unknown, but as has been stated here before, it seems naive to assume the rest of the world will be unaffected by such a major change in the circumstances of its largest customer.
Capital Economics reckons that tumbling interest rates will eventually kick-start the economy, but not for some time. “We now expect GDP to fall by a full 1 per cent in 2009 and by another 0.5 per cent in 2010,” it said yesterday.
It was argued here, a while back, that the recovery will have its roots in the falling price of oil and food. For some time we have predicted oil will be back to $70 in 2010, and food will fall in price for the same reasons. But it seems we underestimated the speed with which oil was going to fall. It will take time before cheaper oil benefits us fully. Many companies fix the price of their oil many months in advance (that’s one of the reasons we have derivatives), but it will happen. And as this happens, affordability levels will improve.
But the government’s fiscal position will take a massive hit. And when you think about it, it really is shameful that we have come out of the longest-ever run of uninterrupted economic growth with public finances so stretched. Even without the banking bail outs of the last few weeks, Capital Economics predicted government borrowing will hit £100bn, leaving Gordon’s beloved sustainable investment rule in tatters. Include the liabilities from the nationalization programme, and it seems government debt as a percentage of GDP will be at its highest level since the end of World War II.
Capital Economics reckons that the City may eventually come out of this crisis all the stronger, as it learns from the mistakes it made. But this analysis may be wrong. It is hard to believe that nationalization will benefit banks, especially if comrade Brown (see yesterday’s article) finds it irresistibly tempting to start interfering with the way government-owned banks are run.
But, in the longer term, destruction can be a good thing. The global economy grew rapidly in the post-war years to a large extent because it was starting with a relatively clean sheet, and wasn’t hindered in its recovery by legacy infrastructure. At least that was the case in Europe and Japan. In America, the 1930s depression had also created an opportunity for rebirth
But the recovery from the 1930s took an age. How long will the recovery take this time? Well, maybe a good deal quicker this time round, and the reason for that lies with technology. The Internet and mass communication have been partly blamed for the speed with which this crisis unravelled. But that criticism misses the point. The speed of the crisis was a good thing; it would have been far worse if, instead, the whole collapse had been more drawn out. Instead, we were able to get the bad news out of the way quicker, and enact a fight back that much quicker too.
The Internet, however, will also facilitate the recovery. And it may be a recovery the likes of which we have never witnessed before.
There is a concern relating to the reaction against risk. You don’t have economic growth without risk, and you certainly don’t have innovation. The public backlash we are currently seeing against risk is one of the single-biggest economic dangers we currently face.
Another risk is that the government will find itself under pressure to try and get house prices moving upwards again, perhaps through tax incentives. This would be catastrophic, and would merely create the foundation for the next crash.
When history books tell the tale of this time, however, they may see its significance in a way few have pointed out. It has been clear for some time that this century will see a dramatic change in the way the global economy is dominated. The US is set to lose its hegemony, and as this happens the fallout will be dramatic. It could certainly be dangerous, too.
The credit crunch may yet been seen as the first major event to occur as a result of this change – don’t forget the real cause of the credit crunch was the disparity between high savings in some parts of the word, and massive debts in other parts.
The global order is changing. China is emerging as a new economic super-power. The first stage in this change was reflected in the form of cheaper goods and several years of low inflation, but high growth. The credit crunch occurred, that is, really occurred, because we have just moved from stage one to stage two in the tale of this changing order.
And as eyes turn to the real economy, inflation rears its ugly head. During the pandemonium of the last few weeks, inflation had been all but forgotten. But many fear the cost of the banking bails out will mean a return of inflation. So, keeping an eye on that particular beast remains important, and here is the worry. Inflation hit a 16-year high in September. It is now so much higher than the Bank of England’s official target that it is just plain embarrassing.
In fact, the CPI rate of inflation rose to 5.2 per cent last month, from 4.7 per cent in August. Remember, the Bank of England’s official target is just 2 per cent.
And here is an intriguing aspect of the data. You may recall that when the government told the Bank of England to monitor the consumer price index (CPI), instead of the retail price index (RPI), many warned this would be a mistake. After all, the CPI index tends to be lower, since it excludes council tax and mortgage payments. Well, in September, for the first time since the change in inflation targets, the CPI rate was lower than the retail price index. (Actually, it is a little more complex than that; the Bank of England used to monitor a variation of the RPI, the RPIX index, which still stands at 5.5 per cent, and it is clear that the gap between the two indices is falling rapidly – but the point is, the RPI is the index the press used to focus on.)
And so, it seems, inflation is back.
The Institute of Fiscal Studies is worried. “Older and poorer households are currently facing the highest average inflation rates because they spend much more of their budget on food and fuel than other households and these are precisely the items rising most rapidly in price. In September 2008, food inflation as measured by the RPI was 11.2 per cent while household fuel inflation was 39.6 per cent. Fuel inflation is now higher than any time since at least 1975,” it said. It explained: “Households in the poorest 10 per cent of the population had an average inflation rate of 7. 9 per cent in September compared to rate of 5.1 per cent for those in the richest 10 per cent.”
But, actually, the point is this: it is all changing. The ONS said: “Food inflation slowed for the first time since March, from 14.5 in August to 12.7 in the year to September.” This is a trend that the British Retail Consortium is celebrating. Stephen Robertson, Director General of the British Retail Consortium, said: “The good news is these figures show we have passed the peak of food inflation.” He went on: “With competition fierce and customers highly value-conscious, retailers are rushing to pass on the benefits of slowing inflation for produce at the farmgate and falls in world costs, such as oil and wheat.”
Then, tellingly, he added: “Shop prices of non-food goods are barely increasing at all.”
So food inflation maybe going into reverse, non-food inflation is fine, why is the CPI index so high?
Well, first of all, remember this: 12 months worth of data makes up the inflation stats. Month on month food inflation may be negative, but it will take almost a year before that shows up in annual falls.
But the killer is, of course, energy.
“Electricity prices rose to 30.3 per cent year on year, up from 18.0 per cent in August. Gas inflation rose to 49.9 per cent, up from 27.7 per cent in August,” said the ONS.
The snag is, the big energy suppliers buy their fuel in advance, and they will often use the futures market to guarantee the prices they pay down the line. But oil is falling rapidly, and when this starts to show up in the data, the monthly falls will become very dramatic.
Capital Economics reckons inflation will be down to 4 per cent by the year’s end, 1 per cent by this time next year, and could then go negative.
For some time, it has been warned here that deflation is a bigger long-term danger than inflation. We are sticking to that warning.
Well, Iceland the country may not be doing very well at the moment, but Iceland the superstore is. Then there’s Aldi. Aldi’s problem is that it does have a somewhat down-market image. You may have noticed from its TV ad recently that the store is trying to change that image.
One thing seems to be for sure – 2008 is set to be the year of the budget grocers.
Iceland has seen its turnover in the 12 weeks to October 5 rise 11.8 per cent from the same period a year earlier, giving it the second-highest growth rate of all grocers in the UK. Number one, however, was Aldi.
According to TNS, Aldi enjoyed a record-breaking growth rate of 22.1 per cent for the latest 12 weeks. Its market share has risen to 3.0 per cent, from 2.6 per cent a year ago. TNS said that Aldi’s “… current on-air TV campaign features celebrity Phil Vickery in an attempt to add food quality to the established low-price reputation.”
As for the rest of the pack, Tesco’s market share has fallen slightly from 31.8 to 31.4 per cent, although sales were still up 5.5 per cent.
Asda and Morrison have both seen a good year, with the UK’s number two supermarket seeing market share rise from 10.9 to 11.2 per cent.
Sainsbury’s famous recovery does a look a little …, well, a little like no recovery at all. Sure, sales were up 5.6 per cent, but market share reduced some more. A couple of years ago, many experts were predicting Sainsbury’s would be back in the number two slot by now. Its market share is now 15.7 per cent, and Asda’s lead is growing.
Not surprisingly, Waitrose’s market share fell slightly. Sales were up a mere 1.6 per cent, meaning the supermarket saw the worst performance of all the retailers named by TNS, except for the troubled Somerfield. Not so long ago, John Lewis and its grocery subsidiary Waitrose could do no wrong. But that has changed. The British shopper is on the hunt for bargains.
And that is one of the reasons inflation will never take off like it once did. These days, we are less accepting of price rises. Time was when most of us did our shopping locally. If prices rose, well, we just got on with it. Now, many of us drive miles to a local hypermarket, and if you are going to do that, you might as well drive to the one with the best prices.
Earlier this week, the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences was awarded to a Bush-bashing, Gordon Brown-loving American.
Paul Krugman, Professor of Economics and International Affairs at Princeton University, and a regular columnist for the New York Times, has made many fans and critics over the years. His fans love the way he has used his New York Times column to lambaste Bush and US economic policy. His critics say he seems to be running a one-man, anti-Bush show.
But his Nobel prize was awarded for something more important than all that.
First of all, he worked on something called New Trade Theory.
As you know, right now, US politicians are screaming blue murder at the injustice of developing countries still growing behind a wall of protection and subsidies, while US companies suffer.
You can see the argument. In some parts of the US, in areas that are reliant on the auto industry, economic depression has already descended. It is not fair, they say, we are losing jobs, not because manufacturers in other countries are more efficient, but because they are subsidised.
But, there is another side to the coin.
You may be familiar with the Law of Comparative Advantage. This is the law which is supposed to show, beyond all doubt, that free trade is best and that any tariffs are bad. The law is possibly the most important economic principle there is. It shows that it pays for two countries to trade with each other, even when they produce exactly the same goods and one country has an absolute advantage in every single product produced. What counts, instead, is relative, or comparative advantage. So, for example, it makes economic sense for a high-powered lawyer, who happens to have a knack for cleaning, to pay someone to clean his house, even though a cleaner may take longer than the lawyer to make the house look all pristine.
There is a snag with this argument, however. It does not take into account economies of scale.
Any new business will always struggle to compete against traditional business, because it is simply not big enough to enjoy the full benefits of mass production. It is at a disadvantage against the larger company.
And that is why, it is argued, it does make sense to protect infant industries.
Krugman then took the idea of New Trade Theory and asked why it is that some countries export and import similar products? Why does Japan export Toyotas and import BMWs? Why does Sweden import Volkswagens but export Volvos?
The answer lies, in part, with economies of scale.
The public want variety. But as companies specialize and grow, and then exploit further economies of scale, each company becomes a specialist in its own niche. And BMW becomes especially good at producing BMW-type cars, but not so good at Japanese-type vehicles.
Krugman also looked at why individuals might move from towns to cities. Again, it seems to have a lot to do with economies of scale, with the specialist pool of labour on tap in a city, accentuating its own advantages.
Krugman’s theories are not easy to understand. He himself said they are: “… pretty well incomprehensible to laymen.”
But this is the curiosity: Krugman has done something that has left many economists fuming. He has talked to the mass market, and tried to express his theories, including other less academically oriented ideas, via his newspaper column.
Some see the Nobel award as a kind of posthumous award, for a former economist who has become a populist..
The truth is, those criticisms are themselves arrogant. Some academics become too precious by far about their discipline.
Krugman has had very little good to say about George Dubya, and was one of the economists who warned most vociferously that there was trouble ahead. This has not endeared to him to many.
As for Gordon Brown, he has heaped eulogy on Brown’s banking rescue plan. Earlier this week, his Monday column for the New York Times began with the sentence: “Has Gordon Brown, the British prime minister, saved the world financial system?”
He said: “The Brown government has shown itself willing to think clearly about the financial crisis, and act quickly on its conclusions. And this combination of clarity and decisiveness hasn’t been matched by any other Western government, least of all our own.”
Mind you, Krugman is also a big critic of Gordon Brown’s friend, Alan Greenspan.
He also argued in his recent New York Times post that the George Dubya regime has effectively driven out “knowledge professionals”, meaning there was no one left at the US Treasury “with the stature and background to tell Mr. Paulson that he wasn’t making sense.”
| Rates | Close | Change |
|---|---|---|
| Oil | 78.63 | -2.56 |
| Gold | 839.5 | -3.00 |
| $ to £ | 1.743 | 0.00 |
| € to £ | 1.2782 | 0.00 |
| $ to € | 1.3637 | 0.00 |
| Index | Close | Change |
|---|---|---|
| FTSE 100 | 4,394.21 | 137.31 |
| Dow | 9,387.61 | 0.00 |
| NASDAQ | 1,779.01 | -65.24 |
| Nilkkei | 9,447.57 | 1,171.14 |
| Hang Seng | 16,832.88 | 520.72 |
| CSI 300 | 1,934.62 | -50.87 |
| Sensex 30 | 11,483.40 | 174.31 |
| DAX | 5,199.19 | 136.74 |