Nicholas Sarkozy has been hailed as France’s answer to Margaret Thatcher. He is described as an admirer of the British economic system, a man who wants to reform France’s stifling labour regulations, and yet the French equivalent of Mrs T seems to be bent on implementing policies Harold Wilson would have been proud of.
If France is set to join Germany on the road to recovery, then she has got to do a lot better.
Last week saw just the latest in a long line of examples. Maybe the problem was that Tony Blair had run out of felt tip pens. He had so many red lines scribbled on his papers, that when the French proposed a change that was about as blatant a foul as the one its best football player performed in his last ever game of the last match of the last World Cup, it was as if Mr Blair didn’t seem to have enough ink to quickly colour in a red card to show his French counterpart.
And so the French managed to get the words “free and undistorted competition” dropped from the preamble of the new proposed EU treaty. Does it matter? The British seem to think that the removal of the words will make little difference, and EU Competition Commissioner Neelie Kroes said “The (European) Commission will continue to enforce Europe’s competition rules firmly and fairly: to bust cartels and monopolies, to vet mergers, to control state subsidies.”
But, whatever the legal implication of the French move, one thing is clear. By French standards, Nicholas Sarkozy may be thought of as a free marketeer, but he is about as likely to adopt Thatcherite policies as his countrymen are likely to embrace English food.
Last week, Mr Sarkozy showed his hand when he said “Competition as ideology, as a dogma, what has it provided for Europe? Fewer and fewer people who vote in European elections and fewer and fewer who believed in Europe…I believe in competition, I believe in the market, but I believe in competition as a way, not an end in itself. ” Even more tellingly he said “The word ‘protection’ is no longer taboo.”
Last month Mr Sarkozy accused the European Central Bank (ECB) of “fighting inflation that doesn’t exist,” and said it had been increasing the rate of interest when it wasn’t necessary. He implied the ECB should put on a kinder face, to be less pre-occupied with inflation, and willing to lower interest rates, thus boosting employment, even if that meant slightly higher inflation. In other words he was recommending the economic polices of the 1970s. Back then we believed there was a trade off between inflation and unemployment, a relationship known as the Philips Curve. Economic thinking of the ’80s rejected the Philips Curve, suggesting that trade off between inflation and unemployment only existed in the short-term.
But, the truth is, Mr Sarkozy’s move to scrap the “free and undistorted competition” bit from the constitution’s preamble should come as no surprise.
Four years ago he was the French minister who was behind the French government’s decision to bail out its engineering giant Alstom.
One of Sarkozy’s first acts as president was to meet up with unions at Airbus. He was keen to discuss ideas for an alternative to job losses at the firm. He was not necessarily wrong to do this, but it wasn’t very Anglo Saxon. You can’t imagine Mrs T, or even Tony Blair for that matter, making it their first task to get unions on side.
For years, while the UK has allowed its big companies to be sold abroad, the French have apparently built a latter day business Maginot line, in an attempt to keep French business, French.
But, like the original Maginot line, it doesn’t always work. The merger of Mittal Steel and Arcelor went ahead, despite French resistance.
But maybe the real danger to France lies in the possibility business will find a way around the back of this new line. Perhaps the ones to find this route will be private equity.
The French economy has one big thing going for it. Among all the big economies of the EU it has less of a long-term demographic time bomb. Its birth rate is higher than in most other large EU countries. It may never face a time when its working population is smaller than its retired populace.
Quite ironic, when you think about it. It insists on protecting its indigenous business, and arguably the result is an economy that has lost its way.
But in another respect, its attitude to another form of protection appears less enthusiastic, and its population is set to carry on growing, and as a result, its longer term economic prognosis is set fair.






