Should the state play the bugle and save small businesses, Northern Rock’s mortgage holders and the Detroit Three?

Nick Clegg wants local councils to lend to business. Banks aren’t doing it, so government money should be lent directly, he says.

Shareholders in Northern Rock – errr, that’s us – are worried that the state-owned bank may account for 10 per cent of all property repossessions this year. Presumably, taxpayers – errr, that’s us – will have to pay to rehouse people who have had their properties repossessed. So why not use government money to keep people in their homes, and in the process stop a rush of new properties coming on to the market, pushing prices down even further?

Meanwhile, in the US of A, bosses at the Detroit Three, GM, Chrysler and Ford, have asked Congress for a $25bn bail out. “If banks can get government money, why can’t we?” they ask.

The liberal democrat leader wants to see Post Offices – remember them? – local authorities, or maybe even a new state-backed bank, to provide a flow of funding to businesses. The chancellor has earmarked £4bn, but the banks don’t seem to want to lend it.

This idea has much to commend it. Frankly, it would have been a good idea years ago. The big problem with banks lending to small entrepreneurial businesses is this: it doesn’t make sense. Most new businesses fail. The ones that succeed often succeed in spectacular fashion, providing jobs and tax receipts for the government. The model of lending to entrepreneurial businesses does not make sense. The money the lender makes on the loans that work will never compensate for the loans that go bad. That is why a truly entrepreneurial business finds it all but impossible to raise money from banks, and instead has to throw itself at the business angel market. In the UK, this market has never been sufficiently dynamic, or of sufficient scale to encourage real wealth creation, free enterprise. A government-backed scheme, if done correctly, makes sense.

Northern Rock’s mistake was those 125 per cent loans, which it calls “Together Mortgages.” When the bank first hit trouble we were told this lending practice was fine – the bank’s weakness was its reliance on wholesale funding. Now the bank is finding that the arrears rate on its Together Mortgages is more than twice the industry average.

Maybe the government should engage in some kind of rent-back scheme – take on the properties and rent them back to their former owners. Then, when house prices recover, it can sell them back.

The problem with that plan is that it presupposes house prices will bounce back. If you believe that house prices are only sustainable when the average house is selling for around three times average income, then there will be no bounce back. Furthermore, any such bounce back would be undesirable, anyway.

Negative equity can be tragic. It is inequitable if it means people can’t afford to accept promotion or a new job, because they would have to relocate and they can not afford to sell their property because it is worth less than their mortgage. It is just wrong if households find they can not pay their mortgage, but the option of downsizing is unavailable to them because they have negative equity.

The solution is for the provision of a kind of government-backed negative equity mortgage. Such mortgages should cover the difference between the value of a mortgage and say, 90 per cent of the value of the property it is secured against.  These mortgages would be available to people with negative equity and who want to move. The negative equity mortgage payments would be treated in much the same way as student loans – payments deducted at source.

As for the US and demands to save GM, Ford and Chrysler - this is a tough one. If they go bust, then the job losses that follow will be enormous. And yet there is more to the problems at these companies than a credit crunch related slowdown. They have all been in trouble for years – even during the economic boom. Money that is pumped into saving these companies, is money that is not available to invest in new entrepreneurial businesses.

Maybe the US needs more Nick Clegg, less Jesse Jackson.

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Santander, the bank that likes to say Si

One of the big mysteries out there relates to the strength of Spanish banks. According to the Spanish government, house prices in Spain have now fallen by 15 per cent. And yet, while all around there is panic, Santander seems to rule supreme. At least it does in the Eurozone, where it is now the region’s largest bank.

Santander, which, assuming the Lloyds TSB HBOS merger goes ahead, is set to be the fifth-largest bank in the UK, has scored where others have failed. And yet, it almost seemed to reveal a bit of a crack this week.

In Spain, the government said you can’t have your paella and eat it. If you are going to lend out huge sums of money as mortgages, then you better make sure you have got lots of capital.

So, the Spanish banks may have lent out a lot, and may have got themselves exposed to the fragile Spanish property market, but at least they were less reliant on the wholesale market for money.

But then the last few weeks have seen a cloud appear on the horizon. The awful truth has dawned that the economic crisis is not just a crisis for the US, UK and a handful of other countries – it’s worldwide – and that means Latin America is exposed, too. Maybe, went the fear, even Santander was in danger.

But then the bank reassured us all. It was fine, and despite all its purchases, there was no need for extra funding. Does that remind you of anyone? Well, RBS said something similar for months, before reality bit.

And while everyone was relaxing on last week’s announcement that Santander didn’t need any more money, it then went out and put the cat amongst the pigeons.

All of a sudden, it is raising 7.2bn euros. And at an apparently nice price too, shares will be sold at a 46 per cent discount.

The bank’s capital tier one ratio was 6.3, but once the costs of recent acquisitions were taken on board it was thought the ratio would fall to 6.

But, after the money is in, its capital tier one ratio will be 7; that’s pretty good.

Emilio Botin, Santander’s chief executive talked about “self-imposed” guidelines and said: “Banco Santander has always had a very clear approach to capital strength. This is a magnificent opportunity for shareholders.”

No doubt the new ratio will be fine – but it is all a little odd.

Meanwhile, HSBC revealed some more write-downs, but still the bank cuts a bullish figure. Its capital tier one ratio is 8.9. And that really is impressive.

HSBC is the biggest bank in the world (by market capitalisation) these days, but even it has vulnerability. Its exposure to Asia is its strength, but now even Asia is feeling the economic winds.

And before we leave, just one point about these capital tier ratios. In all the hullabaloo about banks not passing on rate cuts, if seems to get forgotten that the banks are supposed to be repairing their capitalisation. And it seems you can’t have improving capital ratios and high lending at the same time. That really would be akin to having your paella, pasta, foie gras and Victoria sponge cake, and eating the lot, all at the same time.

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Zero interest rates move closer

Did you ever get a zero mark when you were at school? Probably not, unless you missed the deadline and your teacher was feeling especially mean. Nought is not usually considered to be a good thing. It isn’t really especially good in economics either. Zero interest rates could kill saving, and as the Bank of England said earlier in the week, banks need to attract more savings to fix their funding gap. But, desperate times, and all that…

Zero interest rates are on their way. They could be days off in Japan, weeks off in the US and, maybe, months off in the UK. The decade beginning in the year 2000, and finishing in 2010, may be known as the noughties for more than one reason.

Yesterday, the Fed cut interest rates to 1 per cent. And its chairman, Ben Bernanke dropped a big hint they will be cut again. “Downside risks to growth remain,” said the official Fed statement, and then talked about “levels consistent with price stability.”

Rumours that the Central Bank of Japan is set to cut rates back to zero have been doing the rounds for a couple of days now. In fact, it is these rumours that have lain behind the surge in stock markets around the world over the last couple of days, with the Dow enjoying its second-highest daily rise ever, on Tuesday, and the FTSE 100 its third-best day ever, yesterday.

You may recall, when Ben Bernanke was an academic he enjoyed a kind of early five minutes of fame, when he said that the key to dealing with a 1930s-type crisis would be to drop money from a helicopter. He didn’t mean it literally. But his argument was essentially this. If inflation is caused by rises in the money supply, then the real problem with the 1930s was a contraction in the money supply, which was caused by the then systemic failure of banks. His idea earned Ben the nickname of Helicopter Ben.

Well, now he is practising what he once preached. Many have been arguing that the result will be inflation – but don’t be so sure. Maybe the fundamental economic problem today is too much global capacity – caused by technological innovation and globalization. If that is right, then the world needs more money.

Of course, many argue that the Fed left rates at 1 per cent for far too long earlier this decade. And many criticise the current Fed policy, saying it is dealing with the problem of too much debt, by creating more debt. But this analysis is wrong. Sure, the Fed erred earlier this decade, but that does not mean it is wrong to do that now. Timing is everything.

The real problem earlier this decade was not too much debt at all; rather, debt and savings were too unevenly distributed around the world. This is now changing – witness, for example, the recent collapse in the Japanese trade surplus.

Gordon Brown and his best friend Nick Sarkozy want to see China and the OPEC countries contribute to the IMF – this is yet another sign of how the balance in the global economy is changing.

And what about the UK? Yesterday, Capital Economics said: “Extraordinary circumstances require extraordinary actions. With the current recession likely to be deeper than that in the early 1990s and the credit crunch impairing the effectiveness of monetary policy, we now expect UK interest rates to fall to an all-time low of just 1 per cent.”

Earlier this week, former MPC member and extremely illustrious economist, Charles Goodhart, told Channel 4: “Interest rates will go down from now, by how far and how fast nobody knows… They could go to zero. They went to zero in Japan in the 1990s when the Japanese had a recession or depression which went on for a long time and was quite severe.”

We first suggested rates could fall to zero two weeks ago (October 17) – it seems that realization of that prediction has come a step closer.

rate of interest

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Total losses: $2.8 trillion, and counting

Yesterday, the Bank of England released its bi-annual financial stability report. The headline figure was enough to send a shiver of fear everywhere. Total losses related to the financial crisis in the US, UK and Eurozone to date are now thought to come in at around $2.8 trillion. You may recall that, earlier this year, the IMF made the headlines when it predicted total losses would amount to $945 billion.

Bear in mind that these losses don’t include losses elsewhere in the world – and, as you know, they are mounting all the time.

But beneath the headline figure, the Bank of England report had some fascinating findings, and they weren’t all bad.

The first question we should be asking is why forecasters so utterly failed to call the seriousness of this crisis. In its April financial stability report, the Bank of England did allude to certain risks, but its central forecast assumed banks would successfully go out and re-capitalize, and by now it had expected things to be very different. Then of course, Henry Paulson made the decision to let Lehman Brothers go bust, and the world changed.

The collapse of Lehman Brothers is being used as an excuse by just about all forecasters for failing to predict the seriousness of this crisis.

You need to understand that part of the problem relates to the controversy of mark-to-market accounting. If a bank goes bust, and assets are sold at fire-sale prices, then all the banks are forced to revalue their assets at these prices. Many are up in arms about this accountancy approach, but you know, it is a little rich for bankers to protest too loud. If you run a small business and request a loan from a bank, they will usually insist on placing a fire-sale valuation on the business’s assets.

But the point is, when the Bank of England makes its headline figure for total losses, what it is really saying is that is what the losses will be if assets are valued at current prices. And, right now, assets are cheap.

In its report, the Bank looked at the reasons for the crisis. It may seem obvious to you what those reasons are, but the Bank does explain it nicely. “In 2001, UK customer lending was comparable to customer deposits, but by 2008 there was a funding gap of £700 billion,” it said.

In other words, we borrowed £700 billion more than we saved. “Much of this funding was ultimately sourced overseas. In particular, the United States acted as an intermediary, attracting capital inflows from the rest of the world and exporting these funds to other countries,” said the Bank of England.

But now that losses are mounting, what is there to do? Will government-backed bail outs help? The Bank’s answer to that question is fascinating, but not especially encouraging.

In the medium term, the funding gap can only be filled by one of two means. Either UK consumers need to save more, or lending levels must fall. Rising savings levels might be just what is required to solve the burgeoning pension crisis, and for individuals of course, increasing savings will be highly beneficial. But across the economy as a whole, a rise in savings right now will be disastrous, and could make the recession far worse. It is what Keynes called the paradox of thrift.

So, what about all that government money, won’t that help? The Bank of England says: “Capital injections should also smooth the adjustment process for banks, allowing balance sheet deleveraging to be orderly, and minimizing spillovers to the real economy caused by restrictions of bank credit. But these injections alone may not be sufficient to reduce fully banks’ leverage to a lower equilibrium level. For example, even after accounting for recently announced capital raisings which the UK Government will help underwrite, the largest UK banks would need to shed around one sixth of total assets to reduce leverage back to, say, 2003 levels.”

The real point here, though, is that capital injections will do little more than smooth the transition to higher savings and lower borrowings.

Bear that in mind when you read about government plans to get banks to lend at 2007 levels – even with government money, they just can’t do that. Furthermore, when you hear protests that banks are not passing rate cuts on to borrowers, bear in mind that banks desperately need to reduce risk, and they can do this by charging higher margins. Those who blame banks for taking too many risks, and then criticise them for not passing on rate cuts, are just trying to have their cake and eat it.

The Bank of England report was bad news for buy-to-let investors. This is what it had to say: “In the BTL market, tighter credit conditions, combined with falling house prices and rising LTVs, are likely to lead to substantial refinancing costs for many landlords. In recent years, expected capital gains from house price appreciation may have made landlords willing to subsidise these costs. But falling house prices — and expectations of further falls — may erode this willingness and lead to increased arrears and/or selling of properties. The BTL sector accounted for 11 per cent of the total mortgage debt outstanding in 2008 Q2, compared to just 2 per cent in 2000.”

But, finally, here is some good news: “Corporate insolvency rates remain near historical lows,” said the Bank. It added, “Many companies extended debt maturities during the recent boom, with Dealogic data suggesting that only about 10 per cent of the stock of sterling-denominated bonds and loans outstanding are due to mature in 2009.”

Mind you, even then it had worries. It said: “But within that aggregate picture, there are pockets of vulnerability. Company accounts suggest that the proportion of debt held by businesses whose profits were not large enough to cover their debt interest payments picked up sharply in 2007 to around a quarter of the outstanding stock of debt. As the economy slows profit growth is likely to weaken, increasing corporate vulnerability: particularly at businesses heavily dependent on the retail and property markets and some highly leveraged companies.”

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It could have been avoided

Feel sorry for governments across the world. The events of the last few weeks were one-in-a-hundred-year events. They could not possibly have foreseen the crisis that has unwound.

Well, actually, that may be wrong. And, actually, the whole crisis could have been avoided if governments across the world had taken a leaf out of Spain’s book.

Between 1970 and 2002 there were 117 episodes of banking crisis, says the NIESR, quoting research from Caprio et al.

And some of them were bad, really bad.

For example, the Japanese banking crisis of 1991 to 2001 cost Japanese tax payers 14 per cent of GDP, and output was 71.7 per cent less than it would have been as a result.

Finland suffered, too; in its case between 1991 and 1994 – and the resulting loss of output was 44.9 per cent of GDP.

By contrast, Sweden, that has been held up as an example of what to do in times of crisis, saw a mere 3.8 per cent knocked off GDP.

What all these crises had in common, it seems, were mistakes made by regulators. Sure, most of these banking crises also coincided with bubbles in consumer borrowing and house prices, but they also saw mistakes made by regulators.

Okay, you understand a certain amount of madness lay behind mortgage securitization, and clearly the regulator should have acted, but didn’t really understand what was going on. That is why the FSA is now looking to recruit from the banking industry, to try and stop future bubbles.

But in Spain, things were different.

When you consider that the Spanish economy is in a right mess, and house prices there are crashing, too, it has to be something of a surprise that Spanish banks have avoided the kind of troubles seen across the rest of Europe and US.
Spanish banks, it appears, did rely on the money markets, and recently have been the major users of ECB’s short-term loan facilities.

But they have remained largely sound, and this is why.

The Spanish government took the attitude that if its banks were to make heavy use of the money markets, and loan out money at huge lending multiples – much in the style of Northern Rock – then they had to ensure they were well capitalized.

And that is the key. The NIESR said: “The Spanish approach of requiring higher provisions from institutions may have been unable to prevent a major debt and real estate boom, [but] it has left banks in a reasonable state of robustness.”

And the lesson: lending standards were too lax. If banks were to lend out money equating to 125 per cent of a property’s value, then they should have been made to ensure capital ratios were high.

In other words, banks had it both ways. They lent out ridiculous sums of money, and allowed their capital ratio to fall. In Spain, it was more balanced.

Of course, other mistakes were made, too. Financial products were too complex says NIESR, and the over-reliance on wholesale finances was risky.

But, to quote NIESR, the bottom line is this:

Serious banking crisis can take place with a probability of one-in-fifty in any year in any OECD country.

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Darling to spend, spend, spend our way to economic victory

Consider these words uttered by the last but one Labour Prime Minister in 1976: “We used to think you could spend your way out of recession by boosting government spending. I tell you, in all candour, that option no longer exists.”

As an undergraduate, yours truly once had to write an essay discussing whether James Callaghan was right. Many years later – but precisely how many years is a secret – that essay question is more relevant than ever before.

This time, Al is at it. During World War II we dug for victory. Well, now the government is spending for economic victory.

Forget the Golden Rule and the Sustainable Investment Rule; they are dead in the water. And all of a sudden Keynes is back.

It is one of those oddities. Only the other day, someone asked the question why isn’t Keynes as famous as Darwin? It is true that many people in this country, the land of his birth, have never heard of John Maynard Keynes. When BBC2 voted for the all-time great Britons, he didn’t even show up on the shortlist. And now he is coming back. But, simultaneously, others place all kinds of sins at his doorstep.

The truth though is that Keynes’ theories were really designed for dealing with an economic depression. The mistake UK governments made, ever since the end of World War II, was to use the ideas of Keynes for everything. For decades Keynes was used as a kind of economic panacea. His theories were used to try and end the economic cycle. And yet the cycle endured.

But this time it is different. Yesterday, the Sunday Telegraph quoted Mr Darling as saying: “Much of what Keynes wrote still make sense.” Well, is he right?

It is an important question. If our chancellor is right, and Keynes did indeed have the remedy for our times, then we can all breathe a sigh of relief. But supposing Mr Darling has made the wrong call. If that is so, then things are set to get a whole lot worse.

The big snag with recessions is that they can turn into a downward spiral. Times are tough, so we save more. The rise in savings means there’s less demand throughout the economy and, as a result, business suffers all the more. So job cuts mount, and we save more. That was what it was like in the 1930s.

If the UK has a problem of too much debt, then the obvious solution is to save more and repay debt. Keynes showed, however, that this rise in savings could make things worse.

Yet, if Mr Darling chooses to pump money into the system, the result will be even more debt. You see the dilemma.

This morning, the ITEM Club from Ernst and Young revealed its latest economic report for the economy. This is a highly respected economic group, and their conclusions should always be listened to.

The ITEM Club reckons the UK economy will contract in 2008, to the tune of 1 per cent. The following year will see miserable growth of just 1 per cent.

Its main warning went like this: “The credit crunch will now hit the economy very hard even if the wholesale markets reopen and the equity markets stabilise. Credit was very tight even before the recent intensification of the crisis. The downward momentum in the housing market will be difficult to arrest and is now spreading to other sectors.”

It went on: “With the exception of a few end-cycle industries like aerospace, there is no residual strength anywhere. Widespread reductions in investment and employment are now inevitable, maintaining the squeeze on household budgets just as the commodity price pressure eases.”

Above, we warned how the last thing you want to do in a recession is get people saving more. Yet, consider these words from the ITEM Club: “The funding gap – our reliance upon wholesale bank deposits to make up for the paucity of domestic deposits – will be more difficult to solve. That is because it is a reflection of the deep-seated macroeconomic imbalances in the world economy, and in particular the high level of borrowing and the low level of saving in the UK…. Long-term, we need to rectify this situation by increasing savings, but that is not going to happen overnight.”

Bear this in mind, however. It is true we have high personal debt in the UK, it is also true that in recent years the government’s annual budget deficit has risen. But overall, government debt is still lower than any other G7 country, and by a long way, too.

Mr Darling can get spending up, he can spend a lot of money on new infrastructure without pushing the UK into any more debt than other major economies, such as the US, France or Germany. The sustainable investment rule was supposed to limit net debt to 40 per cent of GDP. Okay, it is going to rise. But, even if debt rose by half as much again above that level, the UK would still have less net debt as a percentage of GDP than any other G7 country – although, admittedly, the Public Finance Initiative distorts figures on UK public debt.

The point really is this. 70 years ago, Keynes outlined his ideas for what to do when an economy is in economic depression. For the length of an average lifetime, economists have debated and argued his ideas. It is easy to blame the theories of Keynes for many of the UK’s problems, especially during the 1970s, but his defenders say that Keynes’ theories were taken out of context. The real test of Keynes is whether his ideas work in a real economic climate. So, the test begins today. Mr Darling has unveiled a plan that only has Roosevelt’s New Deal as historical precedent. The jury is still out whether Roosevelt’s plan, which, by the way, was inspired by Keynes, worked.

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Will government ever sell its stake in banks?

Meanwhile, if you thought that the recently acquired government stake in banks will only be temporary, and that when the government sells it will make a packet, think again; EU regulations may put the kybosh on that. So, too, may government incompetence.

You may know, earlier this week a bit of an uproar broke out over dividend payments. If we tax payers are going to pump money into the banks, then surely the banks’ dividend payments to other shareholders should be cancelled, until, that is, we are paid back in full.

But this misses the point. And it misses the point for two reasons.

Firstly, the last thing we want is for governments to provide banks with all their money. It would be good if private investors put up money too. But to do this, these private investors need an incentive – and if they think there will be no dividend payments for the foreseeable future, their incentive disappears in a puff of government ignorance.

Secondly, no dividends means poor share price performance, and poor share price performance means it will be harder for the government to make a profit on its equity stake..

But the UK government has spotted this potential flaw.

John McFall, chairman of the Commons Treasury select committee, put it this way: “The Government wants the first cut for the taxpayers, and they don’t want anything to get in the way, but if we are to have confidence in financial companies then we have to ensure that dividends are paid to make it attractive for investors to come in.”

But in today’s Telegraph, Jonathan Todd, a spokesman for the EU Commission was quoted as saying: “The Commission wanted to ensure that there was a strong incentive for the banks to repay the state as quickly as possible… We insisted that the payment of the dividends should be suspended while the state still had the preference shares.”

Two mistakes were made by the government:

Firstly, the preferences shares should have been convertible, so that the government could, once it was satisfied its investment was safe, covert to ordinary shares, and thus benefit from rising share prices yielding taxpayers a healthy profit.

Secondly, the terms of the government bail out should have been extended to existing shareholders in the banks. That way, it seems likely private investors would have provided much more cash, and the government stake would have been reduced.

But you see, this whole crisis is supposed to herald in a new era, seeing a government–private enterprise partnership. And in this partnership, the ultimate privatization of government shares is not even given a second thought.

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Governments left impotent as markets crash again

This wasn’t supposed to happen. Yesterday, for the third time in the last two weeks, stocks in Wall Street broke the record for the biggest fall since 1987. This morning, shares in Asia were in freefall. In the UK yesterday it was a day of carnage. All that euphoria of the last few days seemed forgotten, as markets in America, Asia and Europe fell to within a whisker of last week’s low.

And it’s pretty shocking. Two trillion pounds have been pumped into banks. Gordon Brown has found himself elevated to the role of the world’s saviour, Keynesian economists see their final victory as decades of their theorizing are put into practice. Yet banks still won’t lend to each other, recession fears have grown, and all of a sudden a rather nasty penny has dropped. This is not a crisis made by greedy bankers and hedge funds, a crisis conjured out of nothing, ruining the sensible and prudent plans of Comrade Brown, Paulson and others. Instead, the horrible truth has dawned that the roots of this crisis lie deeper than that. In particular, economic data out yesterday suddenly illuminated the full scale of this crisis.

But before the story of this data is told, consider this piece of madness. Not the madness of a banker, or speculator; rather, the madness that comes from the real cause of this crisis, that thing called retail therapy.

In a famous chain store, no names mentioned, but this particular store specializes in cards – you know, cards for birthdays, Christmas, Easter, Mother’s Day, Valentine’s Day, Halloween, Father’s Day, and who knows what other occasion – advent calendars for dogs are now on sale.

When the dust on this episode in history has finally settled, maybe advent calendars for dogs will come to symbolize what was really wrong – a society that ran up debts while buying for the sake of buying.

And now we are paying the price – the real price.

The US auto industry is tottering on the brink. Rumours are circulating that GM could be on the brink of bankruptcy. And GM’s big idea is to merge with Chrysler. If this was to happen, it would not be akin to two drunks holding each other up; it would be worse, and markets understand that. After all, Chrysler was recently kicked out of Daimler, as the sick man of the partnership.

In some ways, a bankrupt GM could be a good thing. It would enable the company to tear up crippling contracts, and agreements with unions. This in turn would pressure on Ford and Chrylser, and it is thought they will then topple too.

Another shock came yesterday in the US with the release of data on US retail sales, They were down 1.2 per cent in September, and now analysts are saying US consumption contracted in the last quarter, for the first time in 17 years. So that’s a real crisis – all of a sudden US consumers are spending less, they are putting on hold those purchases of advent calendars for their hamster, the birthday parties for Patch and Whiskers are off, and all of a sudden consumers are only buying products they need. That is bad news for the economy.

Yesterday, Janet Yellen, President of the San Francisco Federal Reserve used the ‘r’ word. “Indeed,” she said, “the US economy appears to be in a recession. This is not a controversial view.” Well, it may not be controversial, but Fed presidents don’t usually say things like that.

Then, Ms Yellen’s boss, Ben Bernanke said in a speech at the Economic Club in New York: “Stabilisation of the financial markets is a critical first step, but even if they stabilise as we hope they will, broader economic recovery will not happen right away.”

Meanwhile, it emerged that the US budget deficit for the year ended 30 September hit $454.8 billion, double the level seen in 2007. In dollar terms, it’s the highest budget deficit ever recorded. That said, it still only comes in at just over 3 per cent of GDP.

But the point is this, the deficit is set to grow. US unemployment is rising fast, then there’s the cost of that thing called a banking bail out too.

But the worried are not just restricted to the US. Talk is that crisis has descended on Eastern Europe. IMF staff are already busy packing their bags, and booking tickets for Hungary. As Ambrose Evans-Pritchard pointed out in the Telegraph this morning, it seems as if the country will be the first European nation to need an IMF bail out since Britain in 1976. But who will be next? The Baltic States are highly leveraged; Turkey is in trouble; Romania and Bulgaria are tottering. There are problems in Argentina, Pakistan, and Ecuador.

But here is the scary bit; even India and China are feeling the pinch. Rio Tinto, the mining giant, is worried about China. Demand for the base raw materials it mines is falling sharply in the economy behind the Great Wall.

As for India, well, its central bank is pumping money into the system too. Yesterday, India’s answer to Mervyn King and Ben Bernanke, Duvvuri Subbarao said: “Interbank lending still remains constrained and it is necessary to overcome these constraints… It is important to ensure that credit flows to borrowers within the sanctioned limits of term loans and of working capital, and that it is also important to enhance the credit limits where borrowers require more credit.”

And then there’s the Swiss banks, UBS and Credit Suisse. UBS is getting 6 billion Swiss francs, or $5.2 billion worth of new capital, courtesy of the Swiss government, while Credit Suisse has managed to get investors, including the Qatar Investment Authority, to stump up 10 billion Swiss francs.

And then there’s the land of the Beatles and Coronation Street. News out yesterday on the UK jobs front was bad. But to find out more, read the next article.

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What next?

And then all eyes turned to the real economy. Governments across the developed world have put £2 trillion on the line, and yes, the action should be enough to stop global catastrophe. And they have done well, honestly. But don’t kid yourself into believing that from now on it will be pretty painless, that following a mild slowdown, everything will be back to normal. The next few years are not going to be easy.

Yet, lurking in the background, two profound developments are at work. One of these developments could actually mean that the recovery itself may be truly impressive. The other development, well, it seems that when the tale of this saga is told with the benefit of hindsight, it will look very different. The Credit Crunch of 2008 will be seen to represent a very significant moment in the turning of the wheel of economic history.

So, what next? How long will it take for the recovery to occur? When it does occur, why will it be so dramatic? And why will history interpret the events of the last few months quite differently from the analysis we are seeing at present? Read on.

The first thing you need to bear in mind is that banking crises are always expensive. If we were to take a leaf out of Channel 4’s book, and produce our own top 50 list, but this time of banking crises, it seems everyone’s favourite would be the Swedish crisis of 1991. Over the last few weeks, Swedish politicians from that time have found themselves in demand, as the world tries to understand what they did. The plan finally hatched by Gordon Brown, and then adopted by many other governments, did in fact take a big leaf out of Sweden’s book. And yet, consider this; it has been estimated that the Swedish banking crisis took 6 per cent off the nation’s GDP. The country was immersed in recession for two years.

In 1987 it was Norway that was struck, and the cost – 8 per cent of GDP. More recently, in 1997, it was Spain which felt the horror of a full-scale banking crisis – and the cost, 16 per cent of GDP.

But there is a difference. These episodes, nasty as they were, were largely isolated affairs. Each country had the option to export its way out of crisis.

The events of the last week seem to be without precedent. Okay, you can rewind the clock back to the 1930s, or even earlier in the first decade of the last century, but, quite frankly, things were different then. The world today is not like it was, and in modern times there hasn’t been anything like it.

More to the point, if the crisis is global, it isn’t going to be so easy to export your way out of difficulty.

Then again, you probably don’t know this, but the 1930s weren’t so bad for the UK. You may recall from your history, 1926 was the year of the General Strike. The 1920s may have been a period of dizzy exuberance in the US, but in the UK depression hit early. But, following the UK’s decision to pull out of the gold standard, the pound fell rapidly, and Britain was able to export her way forward, even at a time of worldwide economic hardship.

In many ways it’s like that now. The pound has fallen massively against the euro and dollar. Since many countries, including China, more or less shadow the dollar, this means the pound has fallen sharply against currencies such as the yuan. One assumes that the yuan will appreciate soon too. That is inevitable as China emerges as a major economic super-power. So the outlook for a British export recovery looks quite good, at least in the medium term.

But the US has got to reduce imports and increase exports; the effect this will have on the global economy is unknown, but as has been stated here before, it seems naive to assume the rest of the world will be unaffected by such a major change in the circumstances of its largest customer.

Capital Economics reckons that tumbling interest rates will eventually kick-start the economy, but not for some time. “We now expect GDP to fall by a full 1 per cent in 2009 and by another 0.5 per cent in 2010,” it said yesterday.

It was argued here, a while back, that the recovery will have its roots in the falling price of oil and food. For some time we have predicted oil will be back to $70 in 2010, and food will fall in price for the same reasons. But it seems we underestimated the speed with which oil was going to fall. It will take time before cheaper oil benefits us fully. Many companies fix the price of their oil many months in advance (that’s one of the reasons we have derivatives), but it will happen. And as this happens, affordability levels will improve.

But the government’s fiscal position will take a massive hit. And when you think about it, it really is shameful that we have come out of the longest-ever run of uninterrupted economic growth with public finances so stretched. Even without the banking bail outs of the last few weeks, Capital Economics predicted government borrowing will hit £100bn, leaving Gordon’s beloved sustainable investment rule in tatters. Include the liabilities from the nationalization programme, and it seems government debt as a percentage of GDP will be at its highest level since the end of World War II.

Capital Economics reckons that the City may eventually come out of this crisis all the stronger, as it learns from the mistakes it made. But this analysis may be wrong. It is hard to believe that nationalization will benefit banks, especially if comrade Brown (see yesterday’s article) finds it irresistibly tempting to start interfering with the way government-owned banks are run.

But, in the longer term, destruction can be a good thing. The global economy grew rapidly in the post-war years to a large extent because it was starting with a relatively clean sheet, and wasn’t hindered in its recovery by legacy infrastructure. At least that was the case in Europe and Japan. In America, the 1930s depression had also created an opportunity for rebirth

But the recovery from the 1930s took an age. How long will the recovery take this time? Well, maybe a good deal quicker this time round, and the reason for that lies with technology. The Internet and mass communication have been partly blamed for the speed with which this crisis unravelled. But that criticism misses the point. The speed of the crisis was a good thing; it would have been far worse if, instead, the whole collapse had been more drawn out. Instead, we were able to get the bad news out of the way quicker, and enact a fight back that much quicker too.

The Internet, however, will also facilitate the recovery. And it may be a recovery the likes of which we have never witnessed before.

There is a concern relating to the reaction against risk. You don’t have economic growth without risk, and you certainly don’t have innovation. The public backlash we are currently seeing against risk is one of the single-biggest economic dangers we currently face.

Another risk is that the government will find itself under pressure to try and get house prices moving upwards again, perhaps through tax incentives. This would be catastrophic, and would merely create the foundation for the next crash.

When history books tell the tale of this time, however, they may see its significance in a way few have pointed out. It has been clear for some time that this century will see a dramatic change in the way the global economy is dominated. The US is set to lose its hegemony, and as this happens the fallout will be dramatic. It could certainly be dangerous, too.

The credit crunch may yet been seen as the first major event to occur as a result of this change – don’t forget the real cause of the credit crunch was the disparity between high savings in some parts of the word, and massive debts in other parts.

The global order is changing. China is emerging as a new economic super-power. The first stage in this change was reflected in the form of cheaper goods and several years of low inflation, but high growth. The credit crunch occurred, that is, really occurred, because we have just moved from stage one to stage two in the tale of this changing order.

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Bush-hating, Brown-loving American wins Nobel prize

Earlier this week, the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences was awarded to a Bush-bashing, Gordon Brown-loving American.

Paul Krugman, Professor of Economics and International Affairs at Princeton University, and a regular columnist for the New York Times, has made many fans and critics over the years. His fans love the way he has used his New York Times column to lambaste Bush and US economic policy. His critics say he seems to be running a one-man, anti-Bush show.

But his Nobel prize was awarded for something more important than all that.

First of all, he worked on something called New Trade Theory.

As you know, right now, US politicians are screaming blue murder at the injustice of developing countries still growing behind a wall of protection and subsidies, while US companies suffer.

You can see the argument. In some parts of the US, in areas that are reliant on the auto industry, economic depression has already descended. It is not fair, they say, we are losing jobs, not because manufacturers in other countries are more efficient, but because they are subsidised.

But, there is another side to the coin.

You may be familiar with the Law of Comparative Advantage. This is the law which is supposed to show, beyond all doubt, that free trade is best and that any tariffs are bad. The law is possibly the most important economic principle there is.  It shows that it pays for two countries to trade with each other, even when they produce exactly the same goods and one country has an absolute advantage in every single product produced.  What counts, instead, is relative, or comparative advantage. So, for example, it makes economic sense for a high-powered lawyer, who happens to have a knack for cleaning, to pay someone to clean his house, even though a cleaner may take longer than the lawyer to make the house look all pristine.

There is a snag with this argument, however. It does not take into account economies of scale.

Any new business will always struggle to compete against traditional business, because it is simply not big enough to enjoy the full benefits of mass production. It is at a disadvantage against the larger company.

And that is why, it is argued, it does make sense to protect infant industries.

Krugman then took the idea of New Trade Theory and asked why it is that some countries export and import similar products? Why does Japan export Toyotas and import BMWs? Why does Sweden import Volkswagens but export Volvos?

The answer lies, in part, with economies of scale.

The public want variety. But as companies specialize and grow, and then exploit further economies of scale, each company becomes a specialist in its own niche. And BMW becomes especially good at producing BMW-type cars, but not so good at Japanese-type vehicles.

Krugman also looked at why individuals might move from towns to cities. Again, it seems to have a lot to do with economies of scale, with the specialist pool of labour on tap in a city, accentuating its own advantages.

Krugman’s theories are not easy to understand. He himself said they are: “… pretty well incomprehensible to laymen.”

But this is the curiosity: Krugman has done something that has left many economists fuming. He has talked to the mass market, and tried to express his theories, including other less academically oriented ideas, via his newspaper column.

Some see the Nobel award as a kind of posthumous award, for a former economist who has become a populist..

The truth is, those criticisms are themselves arrogant. Some academics become too precious by far about their discipline.

Krugman has had very little good to say about George Dubya, and was one of the economists who warned most vociferously that there was trouble ahead. This has not endeared to him to many.

As for Gordon Brown, he has heaped eulogy on Brown’s banking rescue plan. Earlier this week, his Monday column for the New York Times began with the sentence: “Has Gordon Brown, the British prime minister, saved the world financial system?”

He said: “The Brown government has shown itself willing to think clearly about the financial crisis, and act quickly on its conclusions. And this combination of clarity and decisiveness hasn’t been matched by any other Western government, least of all our own.”

Mind you, Krugman is also a big critic of Gordon Brown’s friend, Alan Greenspan.

He also argued in his recent New York Times post that the George Dubya regime has effectively driven out “knowledge professionals”, meaning there was no one left at the US Treasury “with the stature and background to tell Mr. Paulson that he wasn’t making sense.”

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