It’s time we had the benefit of an honest assessment of the failing benefit system

Those ads for tax credit renewal have been plaguing our ears again. The deadline is today. But with the ads still ringing in our ears, maybe now is a good time to consider if there is a better way of doing things than the current benefit systems.

In principle, there is nothing wrong with the idea of redistributing wealth, but the current system has enormous drawbacks. It is time the government accepted the problem for what it is, and applied some real creative thinking. The suggestion below is controversial, but before you rush off an email lambasting us for our cavalier attitude, just bear in mind that in some regions of the UK, living off benefit is the culture. It is costing taxpayers a fortune. Only a creative solution can fix this.

The real problem with benefit is not the cheats at all, it’s the lack of incentive to get off benefit.

For some people, it must feel as if they would be worse off if they got a job.

The benefits people often treat their customers like they are scroungers, and in this environment of mistrust are rarely forthcoming in providing claimants with information on what they would be able to receive if they did such and such a thing.

In this environment of ignorance, ignorance engendered by the benefits office, claimants are just not sure what would happen if they got a job. Would their benefits cease? Or just fall?

If they get a job at the wrong time of the year, say February, then the resulting cut in benefit, backdated to the beginning of the financial year, can cause the newly employed true hardship in the short-term.

With working family tax credit, the same applies to promotion.

Take as an example, carers allowance. Those people who are responsible for caring for someone else can claim up to £50 a week. But if their earnings are over £100 a week the benefit stops. So for someone on this allowance, there is no incentive to take a job paying slightly more than £100 a week.

The worst case scenario might be a part-time carer earning, say, £99 a week, who considers working an extra few hours, and then quickly drops the idea when they realise benefit will stop.

We all hear stories of people on disability allowance or who do part-time work – maybe most of us know of people falling into this category. Yet, maybe the disability is genuine, or comes and goes, and the work they do is poorly paid, and piecemeal. The temptation not to declare this income is enormous.

As a result of the current systems you have areas of the UK, cities such as Hull, where the culture is to rely on benefit. Unemployment shows no sign of falling.

If we could somehow incentivise these people to work, the savings in the longer-term would be enormous. Tax receipts would rise rapidly.

And maybe then the government might want to consider a system of gradually phasing out benefit to people whose circumstances have changed.

If you get a job, or a promotion, benefit payments will continue at their previous level for a few months, and then gradually reduce.

Maybe the government should consider an amnesty for people on disability allowance who do part time work. Most people in this situation are no doubt scared they will be caught out, but can not afford to stop. The resultant cost to the system is enormous.

In short – the government needs to wean people off benefit. Let them enjoy a windfall when they gain employment – there is nothing like such a windfall to encourage them to seek work.

Some will continue to cheat the system. But surely the biggest problem with the long-term unemployed is that it becomes a habit. The government needs to break this habit. It will entail a jump in public spending for a while, but in the medium-term the savings and extra tax revenue that will result should easily compensate for this.

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We had more money to spend on living in 2003

Underlying fundamentals are strong.  That’s the reason given for why the current economic crisis will be short-lived.   That’s why the Halifax and Nationwide insist there will be no property crash.    That’s why Gordon Brown and Co think the economy is basically in good shape.  It is just the credit crunch.  Once credit is restored, everything will be fine.

But for people working hard on an average sort of income, things have been getting tougher for some time.   Unemployment might be low, but we didn’t seem to be feeling any better off.

A year ago, Ernst and Young shone a lot of light on the picture.   Back then, it found that the average family had just over 22 per cent of its gross income left over, as opposed to over 28 per cent in 2003.   The report was published before the credit crunch, and did not get the attention it deserved.

But that was then.  It’s a year on, and now our discretionary disposable income, that’s after things such as petrol, council tax, utility bills, rent/mortgage, is at its lowest level in five years.  The average household now has just £772.79 left over, as opposed to £909.84 in 2003/04.

We all know why, council tax, utility bills, and of course food and petrol, have all been soaring.

“All consumers are painfully aware of the huge hikes in petrol and utility bills but we’ve also seen some fairly hefty price increases in pension contributions and debt repayments,” said Jason Gordon, the director of retail at Ernst & Young

He added: “If we go one step further and factor in food price inflation, which official figures have placed at 8.7 per cent in the last year, it’s clear that household budgets are under enormous strain. Add in the impact of falling house prices on the consumer’s propensity to spend, and the consumer economy is undoubtedly on a knife-edge.”

Earlier this week, Bank of England MPC member Charles Bean warned that living standards are expected to fall for another year.

So that’s pretty bad.  The economy may have been booming for five years, but we have not been getting any better off.  Presumably then, the boom was funded by borrowing.

But, if we have less money left over to spend on living, as opposed to surviving, how can there be inflationary pressures?

That is why, in the longer-term, deflation is a danger.  Once oil and food price hikes have worked through the system, we could be left with a nasty shortfall in demand, leading to price falls. 

And that, in the longer-term, is surely the bigger danger.

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We each need £158 a week just to survive

So how much do you need to live on?

If you are a part of a married couple with two chidlers, then it’s £370 a week, after rent, or so says research from the Rowntree Foundation

To afford this budget on top of rent, living in a modest council home, the two parents–two children household needs to earn £26,800 a year before tax, according to Rowntree Foundation research, produced after interviewing a cross selection of the public.  

If you are on your own, then you need £158 a week, before rent, meaning you need a salary of £13,400 a year to cover your living expenses and rent.

So what does survival require these days?  Well, for your stereotypical, two parents–two kids, you need, among other things, £97.47 a week for food, £29.26 for clothing, but a whopping £186.98 for child care.  But what about having fun?  The report allocated £90 for what it rather grandly calls social cultural participation, and £6.06 for alcohol.

Rent was put down at £69.40, which assumes the family lives in this modest council home.

For families with no adult working, state benefits provide for less than half the minimum budget for single people and around two-thirds for those with children. The basic state pension provides a retired couple with about three-quarters of the minimum, but if they claim the means-tested Pension Credit their income is topped up to just above the minimum income standard.

The minimum income is above the official “poverty line” of 60 per cent median income, for nearly all household groups. This shows that almost everybody classified as being in poverty has income too low to pay for a standard of living regarded as “adequate.”

Mind you, if you have to drive to work, even if work is no more than a 20-minutes drive, it seems likely petrol alone will be £50 a week.  Car payments, so that’s tax, repairs, and actually paying for the vehicle, must come in at £250 a month.  So that would mean the total cost of travelling to work would add up to another £450 a month.  If you both drive to work and have a similar distance, but don’t work near each other, then total motoring costs would be £900 a month. 

Rent of just £69.40 a week seems very low.  If you were to rent a reasonable house big enough for the four of you, then surely £750 a month is the minimum rent.  So after paying tax, two people with two children who both drive to work may need to earn the £26,800 a year estimated by Rowntree, plus £10,000 a year for paying for cars and petrol, an extra £500 a month for rent, then tax, say £3,000, that is another £19,000.  All of a sudden, it appears that actually, some families, living a pretty frugal life style, will need a joint income of  £45,000.  And that seems quite a lot.  

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Why protectionism and best intentions are the real danger

“It’s complete nonsense. Politicians have completely lost the plot compared with the commercial world,” said Lord Levene, Chairman, Lloyd’s, UK.

He was in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia and talking at the latest meeting of the great and the good at the World Economics Forum – that’s the people who organise the annual Davos meeting.

Once again, the spotlight has turned on fears of a backlash against free trade.  

History tells us that human nature can make things worse.    The global economy is hitting crisis.  There are two things we can do.  Baton down the hatches while the banks insist upon much tighter lending criteria and governments resort to protectionism. Or we can go on the attack.

If we go for the former, then things will get a lot worse.

Returning to Lord Levene. He said, “Where has the development come from? In Asia. It’s come from globalization which has been largely developed by the US and Europe working together with countries in this region to build their industries. Now that they see that they are successful, they are saying, ‘We don’t want you to do that.’ ”

“If you go to any Wal-Mart store in the US, about 60 to 80 per cent of everything is made in China. If you cut off all that manufacturing, and say you are going to produce these things domestically, the cost will go up to levels such that the public – which enjoys a high standard of living now – will not be able to buy these things anymore.”

So there’s a danger then of protectionism returning.  Funnily enough, that’s not George Dubya’s way.    His foreign policy in some respects may have him vilified, but in other respects his approach to foreign policy is more likely to promote wealth creation, both in the US and abroad, than other US politicians who have a more conciliatory approach to the Middle East.

A resurgence in protectionism poses the greatest single threat to an economic recovery.

But, then again, it is not the only threat.

There’s a growing gap between the Asian poor and rich.  Simon Hobbs, moderator at the World Economic Forum conference, said that it is not that the poor are not getting richer, they are.  It is just that the rich are getting richer, quicker.

Rajat M. Nag, Managing Director-General, Asian Development Bank agreed, “I think Asia has been a tremendous success story in fighting poverty. In 1990, one in three Asians subsisted on two dollars a day. In 2000, that became one in five.”

“But there is rising inequality and there are two faces in Asia. You go to any Asian city such as Mumbai, Jakarta or Manila and you have the two faces side by side. That is a major risk which can sow the seeds of social dissent and discord. There is this tension that is building up which finds its way into the streets.”

In Asia we are seeing a kind of race.  A race to growth out of poverty.  The race hits its danger spot when some are benefiting, but others not. 

People who criticise globalization only see one side of the coin.  They see the point when this gap between the rich and poor is growing.  They don’t see how even the poor are getting better off.

The challenge lies in creating this extra wealth without creating resentment.

A growing tide of protectionism, sometimes protectionism that hides behind good motives – such as fair trade, is the real threat right now.

PS.   In 1997 economist Paul Krugman said, “A country like Indonesia is still so poor that progress can be measured in terms of how much the average person gets to eat; since 1970, per capita intake has risen from less than 2,100 to more than 2,800 calories a day. A shocking one-third of young children are still malnourished – but in 1975, the fraction was more than half. Similar improvements can be seen throughout the Pacific Rim, and even in places like Bangladesh. These improvements have not taken place because well-meaning people in the West have done anything to help – foreign aid, never large, has lately shrunk to virtually nothing. Nor is it the result of the benign policies of national governments, which are as callous and corrupt as ever. It is the indirect and unintended result of the actions of soulless multinationals and rapacious local entrepreneurs, whose only concern was to take advantage of the profit opportunities offered by cheap labour.”

In a recent article, economist Benjamin Powell said, “In one famous 1993 case US senator Tom Harkin proposed banning imports from countries that employed children in sweatshops. In response a factory in Bangladesh laid off 50,000 children. What was their next best alternative? According to the British charity Oxfam a large number of them became prostitutes.”

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Inequality on the up

Poverty and inequality both increased for a second successive year during 2006-07 said the Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) earlier this week.

Actually, poverty and inequality is a bit of a tautology.  Poverty is defined by the number of people living in households with income below 60 per cent of the median income.  So by definition then, a rise in poverty means a rise in inequality.

But that is nit-picking.    However you define it, it is not good.

The IFS was commenting after the release of the latest annual Households Below Average Income report from the Department for Work and Pensions. “The biggest surprise in the data,” said the IFS, “was the increase in pensioner poverty, which rose by 200,000 after housing costs (AHC) and 300,000 before housing costs (BHC).”

In the Budget of 2008, the government announced additional one-off payments to pensioners in winter 2008 at a cost of £575m. These will reduce pensioner poverty in 2008-09. “However, if the money is not found to repeat them, pensioner poverty may then increase again in the following year as it did in 2006-07,” said the IFS

The number of people in poverty rose by 400,000 to 13.2 million after housing costs, which when added to rises seen the year before makes an increase of 1.2 million over the latest two years. But before we all march up to Number 10 demanding Gordon Brown does something about it all, bear this in mind: “Poverty remains significantly lower than when Labour came to office,” or so said the IFS.

The number of children living in poverty in the UK in 2006-07 rose by 100,000 to 3.9 million after housing costs.  Child poverty is now 300,000 higher than it was in 2004-05. The fall in child poverty under Labour came to an end in 2004–05, and it now seems to be on the increase again.

The government has a target to halve child poverty from its 1998-99 level by 2010-11. It cut child poverty by about 70,000 per year over the last eight years, but now needs to cut it by 300,000 a year over the next four to meet the target.  On existing policies, IFS researchers predict that the number of children in poverty will fall by 700,000 to 2.2 million in 2010-11, but this would still mean missing the target by 500,000. Additional spending on child tax credits of around £2.8 billion a year by 2010–11 would be needed for the government to have a 50-50 chance of meeting its target.

The IFS said that the: “increase in poverty in 2006-07 comes as little surprise, when we consider that benefits and tax credits grew less quickly than prices (let alone earnings) for people of working age. Benefits are increased in April in line with the inflation rates recorded in the previous September, so they automatically lag price increases when inflation is rising.”

And David Phillips, IFS Research Economist said: “Further increases in poverty and inequality will not be welcome news to the Government, even though they should come as no surprise. We estimate that it would need to spend a further £2.8 billion a year by 2010-11 to give itself a 50-50 chance of meeting its next child poverty target. But the Chancellor will be under pressure to spend the same amount renewing last month’s ‘one off’ income tax cut, most of which benefits families on middle incomes rather than the poor.”

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